Getting over the bewilderment

ARA's Editor-in-chiefIn a recent book, John Mauceri —a disciple of Leonard Bernstein’s— defines orchestra conducting as a “lawless, odd world” that is passed on as an “invisible” subject from master to apprentice, in a medieval fashion. Conducting an orchestra must be really odd: a leadership exercise, an act that seems more physical than glamorous or led by a spiritual rapture that is hard to define.

A good portion of Catalonia’s society feels bewildered and demands a conductor and new sheet music. The last few months have been filled with noise from political rifts, reproaches, indignation over the crackdown, rage following the arrests of political and grassroots leaders, and frustration caused by the violations of freedom of expression. Bewilderment and indignation can be felt in the streets and at work. They are also showing in opinion polls, which indicate that support for independence has dropped after the events of October.

Following years of activism and emotional turmoil, the effervescence has solidified into a majority of 47.5 per cent, as we saw in the December elections. However, what once was a happy, exemplary, civic, democratic movement is now experiencing the wear and tear brought by the shocking arrests of some of its leaders (and the exile of others), as well as their failure to deliver their quasi-magical promise of an instant republic. The wall of silence that went up after the independence declaration of October 27 still requires a lengthy explanation. One day we will complete the jigsaw puzzle of what happened between that Friday and Puigdemont’s arrival in Brussels to pursue an international strategy for the conflict.

The gravity of the situation, with political prisoners, an exiled president and Madrid’s direct rule —compounded by strained relations between the pro-independence parties— meant that weeks were needed before a reaction was possible, and the drawn-out talks between Junts per Catalunya and ERC might eventually lead to a government coalition in Barcelona. The strategic shift by ERC’s leadership, which has been embraced by the disciplined rank-and-file in order to regain control of the Catalan institutions and avoid further judicial damage, is at odds with JxCat’s fair determination to form a government that will not renounce the legitimacy of president Puigdemont, who was outrageously sacked by Madrid when direct rule was imposed.

Both positions have progressively shifted, with meandering ups and downs, until today, when an agreement for a coalition government is within reach. JxCat are willing to accept an honorary role for president Puigdemont, who would be at the helm of a so-called Republican Council, a private body that would lead the government’s foreign action. By proposing Jordi Sànchez as their candidate for president, JxCat would keep up the necessary demand for the release of the political prisoners. However, Sànchez himself is in jail and this will complicate the president’s executive action and, therefore, powers will need to be ceded. Junts per Catalunya will not miss any opportunity to put to the test the guarantees of Spain’s criminal justice system, which is becoming increasingly weaker with every political decision that is taken under a seemingly lawful guise.

The latest example of how Spain’s PP government, backed by the deep state and the judiciary, is erasing the boundaries of the rule of law is the outrage displayed by the president of Catalonia’s High Court, who could not bear to hear the phrase “political prisoners” when uttered by the Speaker of the House at a formal event hosted by the Bar Association. Equally noxious for the quality of Spain’s democracy are the decisions that seek to curb free speech and the freedom of expression, which we have recently witnessed as a silent regression. Spain’s democracy is looking increasingly frayed while, visibly bored, the official intelligentsia looks on.

Rebuilding Catalonia’s institutions and forming a government do not guarantee a placid term and do not offer any insight into the government’s plans.

The bewilderment following the events of the last quarter of 2017 is reflected in opinion polls. Catalonia’s government pollster (CEO) suggests that a hypothetical referendum on independence would see a No win (53.9 per cent), with Yes dropping to 40.8 per cent of the vote. If the goal is to broaden popular support for independence, these figures highlight the need to find a conductor for the orchestra and new sheet music that suits the current state of affairs.

The other important detail from the CEO survey is the enduring pro-independence majority in Parliament, which might even grow beyond the 70 seats they obtained on December 21.

Forming a government is the priority for the Catalan electorate. This is the new ground where the actors of the independence process must tread: realism to form a government and a project that can renew and keep the public’s rallying trust through good governance, transparency and the permanent expression of the institutions’ dignity.